As if preparing a new Tunisia

There is a general feeling among large sectors in Tunisia about the end of politics, and there is a state of frustration that spreads along with the summer heat and does not indicate the renewal of any activity of a general nature, and this is evident in the scene that a single actor is progressing towards an ambiguous future by means that enjoy no consensus and evoke no enthusiasm. Some ask many questions about destiny and destiny, and few find an answer that cures the bitterness.

Since the version of the constitution was put on the market, a large majority has expressed its rejection of it, but it is just as widespread as it is about the coup. Therefore, we have not seen a unified position on the referendum on it. , and we do not see on the horizon a collective exit against it and a postponement of disputes over what comes thereafter to its overthrow. That is, the position on the constitution is the same as the position on the coup, which is strangely the same as the position on the revolution. Every collective action makes the presence of Islamists part of a stable political scene that cannot be expected or worked on. not. on.

But in this black painting we see the beginning of a path, this stage is preparing for a state that has decayed and lost its ability to survive and renew, but what we can not expect is the time it will take for the birth of something new from this rubble.

The position on the constitution is the same as the position on the coup, and surprisingly, it is the same as the position on the revolution. Every collective action makes the presence of Islamists part of a stable political scene that cannot be expected or worked on. .

The falsity of Tunisian civil society

For many years we have not heard good news about a football association that is properly managed and free from corruption (Tunisians say mic mac), and we have only heard about associations conflict of positioning and management of the principal or concerns about funding from abroad, while political parties and associations are closer in people’s minds To corrupt gangs that practice politics to gain leadership benefits (the old image of Al-Maarri, who brings the world to the presidents), while the unions are real nests of corruption and sabotage. .

With full awareness of human society, we are not looking for an ideal society governed by pure angels, but we are sure, based on what we hear and see, that a state of general alienation has spread and the general publicly exposed to every work of a civil and political nature in which there is a public benefit. Therefore, hurry to individual solutions, the most important of which is to arrange illegal ways to escape from the country; It is heard and seen everywhere. There is a belief that there is no real Tunisian civil society capable of framing public desires and individual aspirations and molding them into a form that pushes society to develop and change itself.

A discourse glorifying a Tunisian civil society that does not really exist, and the coup chose to expose this falsehood, revealing that the speech is just a brutal disguise behind a people not theirs embodied faith in civil society and the state, and practiced exclusion and regional discrimination that extended to the depths of football.

Crosses between many battles

The fiercest battles continue and the revolution has not changed them and the power of their actors, I mean the class struggle. The capitalist class continued to resist the possibilities of justice that appeared in the demands of the revolution, and it created hope for social justice between people and between parties. The text of the 2014 constitution bore the seed for consolidating it with positive distinction and breaking centralization in the administration of the regions. And the bearers of this demand from politicians, especially Islamists; They failed to impose these demands and fell into the trap of the capitalist class, a corrupt class with no hope of reform.

The spread of a discourse glorifying a Tunisian civil society that does not really exist, and the coup chose to expose this falsehood, and it was revealed that the speech was just a brutal cover-up was behind which people hid behind them who did not embody their faith in. civil society and the state, and practice regional exclusion and discrimination.

Therefore, we see that this class stands firmly behind the coup without revealing a partisan or trade union face and pushing its constitution forward. In its constitution, this dream of justice is ended. This class has always lived under the guise of a president with absolute powers, who dictates to him and serves him, protects him from falling and expands his position and influence with him. This constitution gives her what she wants as the division of executive powers narrows her life and even makes her under the sword of accountability for a while and we see how she blocks paths on this possibility, i.e. the 2014 constitution.

This layer intersects with the strength of the French intervention in Tunisia by its economic, political and cultural influence, which was more established by the life of the independent state than it was established during the time of direct occupation.He is not open to a expensive adventure with changing partners and a risky adventure.

This layer intersects with the so-called stream of modernization, which is a trend that sees modernization as nothing more than a war against Islamists coming from outside the country (to occupy it), and they are a mysterious and terrifying force because it existing may change. balances and sticks its nose in the world of finance and business, and thus becomes a fierce competitor, and new partnerships can enter into (Turkey, for example), and therefore the cutting off of the political path takes precedence over every war. In anticipation of this possibility (which is still hypothetical), the centralization of power in the hands of one president (a single negotiator) prevents them from taking part in power, even in an opposition seat within a pluralistic democratic system .

These intersections now end all the promises of the 2014 constitution and return the situation to before the revolution, that is, to the moment of failure that led to the revolution. Does the country have the ability to live in a situation whose failure has already been acknowledged?

A final battle to maintain a failed situation

The local financial complex that crosses the trend of ideological modernization and crosses the French financial and cultural influence; By attributing the coup and repealing the 2014 constitution, he is working to return the country to before the revolution, that is, the time of Ben Ali. The year of the coup allowed a clear vision of this conservative force, but can it succeed in this return?

The coup has driven the country into a fragile economic situation and increased the possibilities of social protest, so that comparison with the situation of Tunisia under Ben Ali is no longer possible as the state is unable to pay.

The coup has driven the country to a fragile economic situation and increased the possibilities of social protest, to the extent that comparison with Tunisia’s situation under Ben Ali is no longer possible, as the state is unable to pay ( this is a stage that Ben Ali did not reach).

The coup is now completing the formalities to consolidate a constitution (and an end to the exceptional situation), and we think it is completing elections with those who attended it and formed a parliament in turn. We think he is thinking of eternal existence, but the longer he stays, the more the economic and social crisis worsens. The man is ignorant of the means to run a state and he does not seek the help of someone with experience, and he insults all who work with him until he creates a general aversion among those who offer services, and they are many. But how will those who succeed him cope with this catastrophic situation? Here begins the story of a new country.

In many experiences, governments have faced catastrophic situations with violence and subjugated people, but the solutions to violence have led to more rot, doubling the power of subsequent explosions. Whoever now, secretly or openly, plans to take over the country after the coup (whether he maintains the current president as a civilian front or replaces him with the same electoral law), will face accumulated economic dilemmas, with ‘ a blatant inability to suppress the street the temporary social accommodation that Ben Ali provided. He will make up those side battles, like a war against the Islamists, to divert attention from the real crisis by hanging the causes of failure on their backs, but it is also a battle that is over even if all the Islamists go to prisons and exile. Ibn Ali faced a similar struggle by selling public sector institutions, which were paid for by satisfaction, but there are no longer any institutions being sold.

Another Tunisia is preparing in the invisible and born from the womb of this great devastation. Its form and tools are not yet clear, but we do not see a country returning with these elites or these devices. We can start calculating its bloody cost, and we expect it to take its normal time (and we can not calculate it), but a future generation will cut its placenta with its own hand and get out from under this rubble, free from all the illusions of the ingenious Tunisian civil society and of the ingenuity of capital provided, and especially freed from the illusion of exterminating modernization at this stage.It will carry much froth and clear up the river.

We need one last sentence: It is an honor to allow this generation to clean up the stream. The teachers of this generation have committed immorality.

All published articles express the opinion of their authors and do not necessarily express the opinion of “Arabic 21”

Leave a Comment