Major-General: It appears that the strong Maronite president’s statement effectively fell after the failure of all previous experiments

Nearly 80 years after the Maronite tradition was dedicated to the presidency, it seems that the strong Maronite president’s argument has effectively fallen after the failure of all previous experiences since independence, at least, to this day.
What is meant by the strong president is the president who has become popular and trusted in the Christian street, and not the president who relies on a strong power, whether in politics, in the military, or in the economy, or the one that has external legitimacy, regional or international, or both.
Since the era of the first strong president, Bechara El Khoury, it seems that the strong president’s recipe is only the beginning of crises in the country, not solutions. The man who became a hero of independence over the Lebanese, quickly with his rule marked by corruption and conspiracy against his opponents, which led to his downfall after extending his mandate for three years in addition to the six required by the constitution granted to him, which prevented him from returning until after the end of his successor’s term, and this fall came through a bloodless coup in 1952.
Camille Chamoun, who succeeded him, was no better at it, and despite the fact that Lebanon saw an economic boom between 1952 and 1958, Chamoun committed a major sin in the scandal of defrauding the parliamentary elections. to come to a flexible parliament and overthrow his major. opponents.The first president to deviate from the principle of non-alignment agreed upon by the Lebanese in the spirit of the constitution and independence in 1943.
The army commander succeeded Fouad Shehab Chamoun, and he was able to succeed the Khoury before him, but he refused, then he also refused to expand himself as Charles Al-Helou in the year 64, in what he called a continuity of Considered Chehabism, before Al-Hilu revolted against him as well as against the second office before the fall of the Shehabi era With the arrival of Suleiman Franjieh to the presidency in 1970, one vote better than Elias Sarkis, the Shehabi, and two years after the actual defeat of the Chehabs in the parliamentary elections by the tripartite Christian alliance: Pierre Gemayel, Camille Chamoun and Raymond Edde.
But Shehab and Al-Helou were not considered strong presidents in the rankings, due to their lack of Maronite Christian fanaticism, while Franjieh received great Christian support and during his tenure made choices that expressed Christian fanaticism, including his involvement in the ” Lebanese Front “, including its confrontation with the Palestinian resistance, and also the attempt to suppress the Prime Minister. Sunni …
Due to Franjieh’s (supposedly) strong presidency, Christianity and security, he was also overthrown after these choices, and civil war broke out during his reign to end as a weak president and officials rushed him to oust him from Sarkis himself. follow and advance the date. of the 1976 presidential election.
Sarkis, an honest man and an institutional shehab, appeared to be an outsider in Lebanese politics caught up in wars. Although it was in the country’s interest to win his presidential battle six years earlier, the civil war era was not favorable to him and he tried to manage the crisis instead of trying to resolve it, and it goes without saying that he was not so strong president in the Christian sense.
With President Amin Gemayel accepting the presidency in year 82, it was the best choice for Christians orphaned by the assassination of his brother Bashir, and Gemayel had the support of Christian factions after being united by blood by hand. of Bashir. This was before the time of the uprisings and Gemayel’s loss of his military and political battles, which led to his expulsion by the then leader of the then “Lebanese Forces”, Samir Geagea, who rose strongly and the new Christian formed leadership before his bloody clash with then-army chief Michel Aoun, who sought by all means the presidency, including “The war of liberation, which he launched against the Syrian army and its allies before losing the battle on October 13, 1990. has.
In the era of Taif, the powers of the President of the Republic were significantly diminished, though sometimes related to the nature of the personality of the President, who still possessed important signatures that enabled him to maneuver, such as the case with Emile Lahoud and Michel Aoun.
From the election of Elias Hrawi in 1989, by Army Commander Emile Lahoud between 1998 and 2007 (with a three-year extension), to the latter’s successor in the Army and in the presidency, Michel Suleiman (2008-2014), the Christians did not get their strong president and they reluctantly accepted a choice Suleiman after the dramatic changes with the Syrian withdrawal in 2005 and then the Doha Agreement of 2008 after the events of May that year.
With the agreement on General Michel Aoun as president in 2016, it became clear among Christians that they had finally reached the legitimate Christian president, especially since Aoun’s choice was in line with the then second Christian power, the “Lebanese Forces” in the midst of a popular wedding.
But the Maronite curse, with the poles of the sect always fighting through history, made the Maarab agreement only a positive station, but within a historical stream of conflicts, the most important of which is the history between Aoun and the leader of the powers that be, Samir Geagea.
This conflict wrote the final history of the Christian defeat and paved the way for the Taif agreement, which stripped the main Christian position of its claws, which was even worse than the tripartite agreement on Christians in 1986, which Geagea himself left sailed when he rebelled against. the then leader of the forces, Elie Hobeika, who signed the agreement with The Sirians and their allies, is the leader of the “Amal” movement, Nabih Berri, and the leader of the “Progressive Socialist Party” Walid Jumblatt.
With this presentation, it is clear that the “strong” Christian president has not brought peace and tranquility to the Lebanese, since Bechara El Khoury to Michel Aoun. This is because the eternal Maronite Maronite division and the struggle for power and shares in government will prevent the rule of this strong president.
Settlement produces president
Today, the country needs more than it needs an internal settlement around the presidency that produces a president who can communicate with everyone, both internally and externally, especially since Lebanon is in a delicate and catastrophic stage and it is first a need external settlement, which creates the identity of the president with an internal output.
This conclusion is evidently what prompted the Maronite Patriarchate to accept the proposal of a non-polarizing candidate, having previously asked for a strong president and restricted the club of candidates to choosing a worthy Christian figure.
However, experience shows that a strong president is only a precursor to more crises, which the Maronites now know before others, and everyone wants to spend time with a president who may have a lack of Maronite color and flavor, but he can contribute to a way out of the crisis.
As for the two main Christian powers, Samir Geagea for the “Lebanese Forces” and Gebran Bassil for the “Free Patriotic Movement”, they will not be able to achieve. Geagea burned his boats with a strange design and now only depends on external approval. But he will try to nominate a personality from his own ego (here the name of his wife and MP, Strida Geagea, is mentioned), but he has not yet agreed with Hezbollah’s opponents on one personality.
As for Bassil, he can also use to name a person before him, and so far there is no evidence of what has been reported about his acceptance of the leader of the “Marada” movement, Suleiman Franjieh, through the mediation of the Secretary-General of “Hezbollah” Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, and he can try to buy time until he gets rid of the sanctions America and regains some of the confidence lost in it by many at home and abroad.
As for Franjieh, who has large fortunes, he has not had any problems, even though he got rid of the stigma of a weak Christian character with the fall of the strong president’s theory, and he has not yet received external approval , an American – Gulf, and he was ranked to the right of Basil in the opposition axis, although he was not provoked. .
An average person who speaks out
However, the fall of the strong president’s theory will favor the accumulation of many names that are a middle ground and could negotiate with the outside world and break the boycott of Lebanon, such as Army Commander Joseph Aoun, Ziader Baroud, Marwan Charbel, Neamat Ifram and others. name ..
It will be necessary to cut off the current worst stage in the history of Lebanon, economically and socially, rather the worst since before the formation of this turbulent entity that was born Caesarea for the benefit of the Christian minorities and for the Maronites to take refuge in. in this troubled East, then other sects were added to protect the entity from another famine in the same way that struck him a few years before its founding, and then to give him a legitimacy that was not Christian demographic progress to confront.
But this entity witnessed the curse of the Maronite conflicts, especially after its independence in 1943, so that the Maronite leaders conspired against each other at various stages of Lebanese history, with the exception of some stations such as the 1968 Triple Alliance against the Chehabism, or the “Lebanese Front” in the 1970s amid a divisive discourse that fell with a defeat In the civil war and the Taif settlement, or the Maarab agreement in 2016 between Geagea and Aoun, but the Maronites quickly regained their divisive, authoritarian nature and their struggle for the presidency until it became a joke in the past that every Maronite is a natural candidate for the presidency!
In summary, the curse of the conflicts between the Maronites has abandoned the theory of the strong president, and it may not be in the interest of the country, but it will also not pave the way for a dramatic change of the political system. in the country or for a serious implementation of the Taif agreement, without a Christian president with clear legitimacy, not to mention other legitimacy related to representation. Today the Sunnis discuss the future of the Taif regime or a new formula for coexistence between the Lebanese sects Therefore, the others discussed it today at a different stage.

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