A new comparison: Iran’s money in exchange for the money of the occupied territories?

The political discussions and views related to the file of Archbishop Moussa al-Hajj are only part of the contexts of the Lebanese war that did not end with the silence of the guns, and are restored at every turn, once by internal conflicts, and other times through division and the rise of isolationist discourse, and finally in the context of financing within a comparison that seemed clear: the money coming from Iran, neutralized by money coming from the occupied territories.

The new comparison is hinted at, at least in the media, by supporters of Christian parties in response to supporters of the opposition-axis who supported the judicial proceedings taken by the acting government commissioner to the military court, Judge Fadi Akiki, in terms of summoning the bishop from the occupied territories and interrogating him to explain the source of the funds he carries, and its destination, worth $ 460,000, in addition to medicine and food aid written in Hebrew on it.

Former Minister May Chidiac was the most prominent person who formulated this comparison, from which is understood the “balance in financing” and “as well as you are others” by saying: “This (who fled to Israel in the year 2000 ) supporting their families in Lebanon with money and medicine is not a sin To convict them as a list of agents and arrest Bishop Musa al-Hajj is the sin! There is smuggling from Syria and Iran “Churches are a red line.”

The discussion extends to the approach of the “good loan” file to the file of aid coming from Israel, although there is no connection between the two files from a functional point of view, and the approach is limited to the political identity of the money flows into the country, as if there is an implicit exchange between Iranian money, as a semi-single option for Hezbollah, in In exchange for money from any party, including those living in the occupied territories, as a last resort for the opposing forces. the party.

The thing is that the file related to this implicit financial balance, which is ipso facto linked to the balance of the political identity of this money, is very similar to the experience of the flow of money and weapons between the warring parties in the Lebanese war, from all sides, including Israel. The Christian parties justified that experience at the time, as the “last option to confront the siege with the purpose of existential defense,” in the face of what the Palestinian presence at that time represented an “existential danger,” according to the Christians , following Syria’s assistance to the “Phalange Party” in the first phase of the conflict. the Arab deterrent forces that entered Lebanon to support the Christians at the request of the late President Suleiman Franjieh.

This bargain, offered with justification related to the humanitarian crisis, is only part of the context of the Lebanese war and its divisions that were revived after the financial, economic and living crisis that hit Lebanon. Political discourses speak of a disguised division, not the least of which has been proposed over the Beirut municipality, despite the cosmetic slogans that the proposals carry, and are subject to general Islamic rejection by the various political forces representing Muslims.

The literature of the Lebanese war tells the various events and happenings, from the Tayouneh incident last October to what preceded it in the attack by elements loyal to the “Lebanese Forces” against supporters of left parties, on the first annual anniversary of the explosion in the port of Beirut, after entering Gemmayzeh, and which It was preceded by slogans raised in the elections of the Jesuit University in Ashrafieh, and other events coinciding with the escalation of the divisive discourse, to the crisis confronting, as if raising the slogan of extensive administrative and financial decentralization, to the federalization of Lebanon, to approaches related to the identity of the sectarian victims of the port of Beirut and the sect of regions destroyer …

The events take place, and are covered, in the divisions of the Lebanese war. Christian political forces find themselves in the position of overabundance, as a matter of necessity, to mimic a change in the Christian popular mood. It actually appears in the sections of the electoral law and the slogans to run for elections on that basis, which go through the bid on the neutral positions of the Maronite patriarch Bechara Al-Rai. The Christian impulse to escalate the identity and regional discourse is only another context in the last phase of the war, known as the “war of abolition” between the Aounist movement and the “Lebanese Forces”, which justifies, during the last three years, the split of Islamic powers, such as the “Future” and the condemnation of the continuing relations between the “Free Patriotic Movement” and “Hezbollah,” and the stigmatization of the movement by its opponents as “dhimmis”.

What has been put in today’s positions, by refusing to summon the bishop and saying that he “will not succeed,” is inseparable from the totality of facts that strike a balance in funding and alliances, as a “last way out “in exchange for the refuge. of other sects with their regional and international sponsors.

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